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results of problem gambling Louise Sharpe, in1998 Conclusion Problem gambling has frequently been considered a recalcitrant problem which is resistant to treatment.
This charleston sc evidenced by the early case studies which documented success in less than half of the samples treated e.
However, recently there have been new developments in the treatment of problematic levels of gambling which give cause for optimism.
Firstly, the work of McConaghy and his colleagues 1983, 1991 demonstrated the potential importance of imaginal desensitisation in the treatment of gambling difficulties.
Indeed, the long term results of the more recent study, while uncontrolled and in need of replication, are definitely encouraging.
The advent of research into the role of cognitions in the development and maintenance of problem gambling, has increased the awareness of the need for more comprehensive programmes to facilitate the response to these early approaches.
Indeed, case reports are only now emerging which document the efficacy of a cognitive behavioural approach.
However, a pilot study investigating the efficacy of a strategic cognitive-behavioural approach has suggested that this programme has great potential in increasing the efficacy of less comprehensive treatments Sharpe et.
The present chapter has attempted to delineate the treatment strategies which were utilised and found to be effective in that trial.
However, with our current level of empirical knowledge much of the information contained in this chapter comes from the clinical experiences of the author, rather than controlled research.
Although there is some preliminary evidence regarding the short-term efficacy of this approach, the long-term efficacy awaits confirmation.
Indeed, it remains unclear at this time, which of the many strategies which form the basis of cognitive-behavioural treatment for problem gamblers are active components.
Studies need to investigate further the efficacy, not only of comprehensive programmes, but also of individual techniques to determine what are the effective elements in treatment.
It is also important for future research to consider the potential differences between sub-types of gamblers, highlighted by recent research e.
However, until studies provide further information about the nature of problem gambling and the treatments which help to ameliorate the problem, these will remain speculative.
The aim of the present chapter has been to indicate that while the literature remains in its infancy, there is emerging evidence to suggest that cognitive-behavioural approaches to the treatment of problem gambling may be beneficial.
Short term results demonstrate that significant reductions in gambling can invariably be achieved and that for the majority of cases an elimination in their gambling behaviour is possible.
While far from conclusive, these results do provide cause for optimism.
RINA GUPTA, JEFFREY L.
DEREVENSKY, in2008 ISSUES PERTAINING TO THE TREATMENT OF ADOLESCENT GAMBLERS Adolescents with gambling problems in general tend not to present themselves for treatment.
There are likely many reasons that they fail to seek treatment, such as a fear of being identified, and the negative stigma often associated with treatment.
Adolescents tend to hold self-perceptions of invincibility and invulnerability, and thus rarely recognize their own problems.
Also, those who do realize they are in trouble often believe that no one can help them to control their behavior.
Inherent in their thinking is the belief in natural recovery and eventual self-control for a more detailed explanation, see Gupta and Derevensky, 2000, 2004; Derevensky et al.
Empirically, not very much has been learned about the treatment of young pathological gamblers.
We know that a certain percentage of adolescents develop very serious gambling problems, but only a small minority of those individuals present themselves for treatment in facilities where addiction therapists trained to deal with pathological gambling are located.
As such, it is very difficult to develop empirical treatment efficacy studies without access to clinical populations, and even more difficult to conduct Empirically Validated Treatment EVT designs or Best Practices Toneatto and Ladouceur, 2003.
Minimum criteria for Best Practices include the replicability of findings, randomization of patients to an experimental group, the inclusion of a matched control group, and the use of sufficiently large numbers of participants.
Unfortunately, the treatment of adolescent pathological gamblers has not yet evolved to the point that treatment evaluation studies have met such rigorous criteria.
Apart from limited access to adolescent clinical populations, there are several other reasons to explain why more stringent criteria, scientifically validated methodological procedures and experimental analyses concerning the efficacy of treatment programs for youth have not been implemented.
Primarily, there exist very few treatment programs prepared to include young gamblers amongst their clientele, and the small number of young people seeking treatment in any given center results in the difficulty of obtaining matched control groups.
Matched controls are even more difficult to obtain, considering that young gamblers often present with a significant number and variety of secondary psychological disorders.
Another obstacle to treatment program evaluation is that treatment approaches may vary within a center, and may be dependent upon a gambler's specific profile or developmental level, or the therapist's training orientation.
Given the lack of empirically-based treatment in the field of pathological gambling for both adolescents and adultsthis issue is relatively new compared with existing treatment models for youth with other addictions and mental health disorders.
As such, there remains a continuing and growing interest in identifying effective treatment strategies to help minimize youth gambling problems.
Having acknowledged the limited number of treatment outcome studies, in one empirically-based treatment study Ladouceur and colleagues 1994b implemented a cognitive-behavioral therapy program, using four adolescent male pathological gamblers.
Five components were included within their treatment program � information about gambling, cognitive interventions, problem-solving training, relapse prevention, and social skills training.
A mean number of 17 cognitive therapy sessions was provided individually over a period of approximately 3 months.
Clinically significant gains were reported, with three of the four adolescents remaining abstinent 3 and 6 months after treatment.
Ladouceur and colleagues further concluded that the length of treatment necessary for adolescents with severe gambling problems appeared to be relatively shorter than that required for adults, and that cognitive therapy represents a promising new avenue for treatment.
It is important to note that this therapeutic approach is predicated upon the belief that i adolescents persist in their gambling behavior in spite of repeated losses primarily as a result of their erroneous beliefs and distorted cognitive perceptions concerning their gambling play, and ii winning money is central to their continued efforts.
However, the limited sample, while somewhat informative, is not sufficiently representative to depict a complete picture.
Research and clinical accounts with adolescents Gupta and Derevensky, 2000, 2004 suggest that the clinical portrait of adolescent problematic gamblers is much more complex than merely that of underlying erroneous beliefs and the desire to acquire money.
Adolescent problem and pathological gamblers were found to have exhibited abnormal physiological resting states resulting in a tendency toward risk-takinggreater emotional distress in general i.
The fact that adolescent problem and pathological gamblers differ in their ability successfully to cope with daily events, adversity and situational problems Gupta et al.
Furthermore, contrary to common beliefs and the tenets of the cognitive-behavioral approach, our research and clinical work suggests money is not the predominant reason why adolescents with gambling problems engage in these behaviors see Gupta and Derevensky, 1998a.
Rather, it appears that money is important in that it is merely a means to enable such youth to continue gambling.
Blaszczynski and Silove 1995 further suggest that there is ample empirical support that gambling involves a complex and dynamic interaction between ecological, psycho-physiological, developmental, cognitive and behavioral components.
Given this complexity, it would be best to incorporate each of these components into a successful treatment paradigm designed to achieve abstinence and minimize relapse.
While Blaszczynski and Silove addressed their concerns with respect to adult problem gamblers, a similar multidimensional approach seems appropriate to successfully address the multitude of problems facing adolescent problem gamblers.
Patrick Carnes, in2014 Cybersex Aside from Problem Gambling, Internet Gaming Disorder will be added to the DSM-5 appendix as a provisional behavioral addiction worthy of further research.
Tao 2010 and others unsuccessfully argued for inclusion in the DSM-5 of an Internet Addiction Disorder IAD that shares key features with substance abuse, such as salience emotional and cognitive processingmood modification, tolerance, withdrawal, conflict, and relapse.
Tao 2010 proposed eight criteria for IAD: 1 preoccupation, 2 withdrawal, 3 tolerance, 4 unsuccessful efforts to control use, 5 continued use despite negative consequences, 6 loss of interest in non-Internet activities, 7 use to escape dysphoria, and 8 the deception of others such as family members and therapists.
Of great interest to the SA community, IAD includes the subcategory of Cybersex Addiction.
Since the 1990s, the SA community has been addressing the addictive potential of the Internet, particularly when it concerned pornographic material.
Vulnerable patients often report becoming lost in the trance of Internet pornography as they scroll through sites, holding off orgasm for hours at a time and spending a considerable amount of money on live chats�all this despite their intentions and promises to stop looking at Internet pornography.
The most widely used screening instrument for measuring problem gambling behaviors in youth i.
An adolescent who meets four or more of these criteria is identified as a problem gambler.
Despite uncertainty about precisely what adolescent problem gambling screens measure, there have been many studies examining the patterns of gambling https://bannerven.com/gambling/which-states-allow-internet-gambling.html problem gambling among adolescents across many countries.
Tables 1�6 provide a comprehensive review of adolescent gambling prevalence surveys that have learn more here carried out in North America the United States and CanadaCentral, South and East Europe, Nordic countries and Australasia Australia and New Zealand.
Adapted from Volberg, R.
An international perspective on youth gambling prevalence studies.
Adapted from Volberg, R.
An international perspective on youth gambling prevalence studies.
Not available 3967 12�18 Classroom DSM-IV-MR-J 41.
Not available 2553 12�25 Classroom SOGS-RA 33.
Not available 6192 14�15 Classroom Not assessed 44.
Not reported 1126 15�20 Online survey SOGS-RA 37.
Adapted from Volberg, R.
An international perspective on youth gambling prevalence studies.
Adapted from Volberg, R.
An international perspective on youth gambling prevalence studies.
Adapted from Volberg, R.
An international perspective on youth gambling prevalence studies.
Dept for Community Services 2005 605 16�17 Telephone DSM-IV-J 43 1.
An international perspective on youth gambling prevalence studies.
In the United States, the prevalence of past year adolescent gambling in the only national study was 68% with a past year problem gambling rate of 2.
However, state-by-state across more than 20 studies see Table 1 show there are large variations ranging from 20% to 86% past year adolescent gambling prevalence rates and 0.
In Canada, the only national adolescent gambling survey reported a past year prevalence of 61.
Provincial surveys conducted in the country have shown a past year adolescent gambling prevalence of 24%�90% and a results of problem gambling year adolescent problem gambling rate of 2.
In Europe, there have been relatively few studies of adolescent gambling and the quality is variable in terms of sample size, representativeness, and quality of data.
Adolescent gambling prevalence rates have been reported for a number of countries.
These include Belgium 40% lifetime prevalenceEstonia 75% results of problem gambling prevalenceFinland 52% past year prevalenceGermany 33%�44% past year prevalenceIceland 57%�79% past year prevalenceNorway 74%�82% past year prevalenceRomania tasmanian gambling exclusion database lifetime prevalenceSlovakia 27.
Adolescent problem gambling prevalence were texas gambling news join have been reported for a number of countries.
These include Denmark 0.
In Australia, there has been no national study, only agree, gambling addicts family support something surveys see Table 6.
These have shown a past year adolescent problem gambling rate of 41%�70% and a past year adolescent problem gambling rate of 1.
In New Zealand, the two national surveys have shown a past year adolescent gambling rate of 65%�68% and past year adolescent gambling problem gambling prevalence rates of 3.
From this comprehensive review, a number of conclusions were made.
First, from a methodological perspective, the review showed that school-based surveys and telephone surveys were the primary modalities used this web page collect data in adolescent prevalence surveys.
Second, a methodological trend of increasing sample sizes over time was noted.
Early adolescent gambling surveys in the late 1980s and early 1990s tended to include samples of only a few hundred whereas most recent surveys are much bigger.
For instance, the last four national prevalence surveys in Great Britain have had sample sizes of approximately 9000 or more.
Third, it was noted that the most widely used results of problem gambling gambling instruments DSM-IV-MR-J, SOGS-RA are derived from adult problem gambling screens and may not be suited to assessing gambling-related problems in younger people.
However, it was asserted that pending a better-validated problem gambling instrument for adolescents, these instruments are likely to continue to be viewed as the best approximations for the measurement of problem gambling among adolescents.
The review also made a number of other generalizations.
Male adolescents are more likely than female adolescents to gamble, and more likely to experience problems, a finding that is well established in other reviews of the literature.
However, there is no evidence that problem gambling among females indicates a more serious problem.
It also appears that, while adolescents from certain ethnic groups are less likely to gamble than other adolescents e.
However, there may be other confounding variables such as socioeconomic status.
There are also other clear demographic patterns.
For example, the most popular youth gambling activities tend to be private, peer-related activities such as card games and betting on sports.
Older youth are more likely to engage in accessible forms of age-restricted gambling, such as lotteries.
The one notable exception is in Great Britain where slot machines are legally available for adolescents to gamble on at seaside arcades and family leisure centers.
Other check this out demographic characteristics are that youth problem gamblers are more likely to start gambling at a younger age, to have parents who gamble, and to live without both parents.
Other research has shown that young problem gamblers are also more likely to have begun gambling at an early age, have had a big win early on in their playing career, and to be from a lower social class.
Moreover, the most frequent motivations reported by youth problem gamblers were gambling to escape and the inability to resist temptation.
Furthermore, most empirical research on adolescent gambling has demonstrated a clear relationship between gambling behavior and substance abuse.
In addition to the risk factors based on personal results of problem gambling, the social and physical environment in which results of problem gambling people gamble and the gambling activity also play a part.
One study demonstrated that around 4% of all juvenile crime in one UK city was gambling-related based on over 1850 arrests in a 1-year period.
Furthermore, gambling addicts also appear to display bona fide signs of addiction including withdrawal effects, tolerance salience, mood modification, conflict, and relapse.
Some young people gamble as a means of coping with everyday stresses and problems avoidance and as their gambling becomes more problematic so their problems, such as debt, increase and consequently their need to gamble also increases.
This therefore results of problem gambling a vicious circle whereby gambling behavior is experienced as both a problem and as a strategy for dealing with problems.
It should also be noted that adolescent gambling is often part of a lifestyle that includes increased prevalence in many risky behaviors such as smoking cigarettes, drinking alcohol, and taking illicit drugs.
Gambling typically takes place in the context of casino gambling or casino-like online gambling games.
Of interest to basic neurobiology and modeling, such contexts for gambling behavior involve both classical and operant conditioning components.
Understanding of the neurobiological and genetic basis of gambling addiction lags behind that of other addictions.
However, it appears that the mediators of problem gambling also involve dopaminergic and endogenous opioid systems.
Human PET imaging studies demonstrate that gambling is associated with dopamine release in the dorsal and ventral striatum.
In this regard, efforts are needed to increase awareness among the general public that many people with addictive behaviors can change on their own.
Increased awareness may also encourage friends and relatives to support self-change attempts.
Individuals who have achieved self-recoveries could make public declarations in order to encourage others to try the self-change process.
Efforts could also be made to inform substance abusers about the possibility that others can aid in their recovery by being supportive.
Self-help manuals could be widely available and could inform addicted individuals that they may be able to recover without professional treatment.
In addition, Internet health advice and expert systems should be made accessible to results of problem gambling segments of the population.
Such policy interventions, in turn, are likely to trigger and facilitate change at the grass roots level e.
Public health campaigns can be an effective means for raising public awareness.
For example, community interventions, rather than targeting individuals for change efforts, could target opinion leaders, medical practitioners, and public health officials.
Community-oriented interventions should be developed, including both information campaigns and treatment-umbrella or resource-umbrella organizations that assist individuals in addressing specific problems.
Drug, alcohol, and smoking campaigns are currently conducted to sensitize the public and to influence attitudes and behavior patterns of risk groups.
Attempts to provide information about self-change to policy makers may evoke opposition from a number of fronts.
For example, pharmaceutical companies marketing smoking-cessation products, groups seeking more recognition and treatment for recently recognized addictive problems e.
Strategies will be needed to a overcome resistance, b build coalitions, and c support policies derived from self-change research.
Stereotypes of alcohol and drug addiction in the general population can be considered major stumbling blocks to people who try to recover on their own: Stigma will reduce social support.
In addition, societal beliefs about the nature and cause of social problems will shape individual and collective responses to individual self-change.
How visible are these problems?
How confident are we that people may eventually change their eating disorders, heroin or alcohol use, or pathological gambling on their own?
The answers to these questions will depend on the overall attitudes toward the addiction paradigms that prevail in societies.
Barker and Miller 1966for instance, presented a case study in which a subject was asked to watch films of either himself gambling or himself at home with his wife.
Over the course of 10 days of half-hour treatments, 450 shocks were delivered while he watched himself gamble; no shocks were delivered while watching himself at home.
Following this phase, the subject was asked to play on an actual slot machine while receiving shocks.
The authors noted that as of 2 months following treatment, the subject had not returned to gambling.
Similarly, Seager 1970 applied electrical shocks to gamblers when they viewed newspaper pages with horse track information, slides of betting shops, or poker cards.
Of the 14 compulsive gamblers treated, five remained free of gambling at a 12-month follow up.
Greenberg and Rankin 1982 described methods that, along with advice on how to avoid gambling contexts, included having a therapist accompany the client into gambling inducing situations and then gradually fading the presence of the therapist.
While in these situations, the participant was asked to resist the urge to bet by snapping a rubber band on their wrist or by introducing a fantasy of a disastrous sequence covert-sensitization.
Of the 26 participants, only five participants were reported to have maintained control of their gambling after follow-ups of 9 months to 5 years.
Other behavioral approaches, such as those used to treat impulse control issues related to substance abuse, have been appropriated in the treatment of pathological gambling.
For instance, Symes and Nicki 1997 employed cue-exposure, response-prevention treatment, a treatment previously demonstrated to reduce urges to engage in cigarette smoking Self, 1989to reduce the elicitation of conditioned responses in the presence of gambling stimuli.
Unlike the previous case studies involving respondent extinction and aversive conditioning in which participants were passively exposed to gambling stimuli i.
In this study, participants were instructed to stop at particular points in the process of gambling e.
At each of these points, the participant was asked to focus on his or her physiological reactions, to think about the feelings in that moment, to look at the surrounding stimuli, and to listen to the sounds around them.
In addition to the active cues-exposure, participants were allowed to engage with the gambling machine but not to actually gamble i.
Each wager on the machine was returned regardless of the outcome of the game.
Examination of the frequency of self-reported gambling urges, both within and outside of the treatment procedure, and the frequency of gambling behavior outside of treatment suggested that for both cases presented, cue-exposure response prevention treatment reduced pathological gambling.
According to Symes and Nicki, the results supported the concept that exposure to the environmental, cognitive, and physiological cues in gambling situations without the monetary outcomes serves to extinguish the elicitation of gambling behaviors in the presence of salient gambling stimuli.
COTTLER, in2008 Assessment of Gambling-related Diagnoses in Adolescents The gambling disorder nomenclatures of DSM-IV and ICD-10 were designed for adults.
To date, three instruments have been developed to screen for problem and pathological gambling in adolescents, based on DSM-III-R or DSM-IV criteria.
They are the South Oaks Gambling Screen � Revised for Adolescents SOGS-RAthe Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders IV Adapted for Juveniles DSM-IV-Jand the Massachusetts Adolescent Gambling Screen MAGS.
The SOGS-RA was developed in 1993, the DSM-IV-J in 1992, and the MAGS in 1994.
All three have had their psychometric properties evaluated with community samples of adolescents National Research Council, 1999.
The SOGS-RA Winters et al.
Adequate internal consistency and construct and concurrent validity have been reported Winters et al.
However, the SOGS-RA has not been well-tested in adolescent girls Petry, 2005.
Some SOGS-RA items appear easily misinterpreted Ladouceur et al.
The primary difference between the SOGS-RA and SOGS is that the SOGS-RA contains fewer items about the sources individuals use to procure money for gambling Petry, 2005.
The DSM-IV-J Fisher, 1992 assesses gambling and related problems using 12 items based on DSM-IV criteria.
In addition, the DSM-IV-J contains items about procurement of money for gambling and crime involvement Petry, 2005.
The internal consistency of Fisher's DSM-IV-J has been reported to be satisfactory Fisher, 2000.
The primary difference between the DSM-IV-J and versions of the measure for adults is that the items about money and crime are age-appropriate � for example, DSM-IV-J items ask about using school lunch money and shoplifting, whereas adult items ask about fraud and forgery Petry, 2005.
A multiple-response option version of the DSM-IV-J has been developed for use with non-clinical populations.
The MAGS Shaffer et al.
MAGS items are organized into two subscales.
The first subscale DSM-IV subscale contains 12 items that operationalize DSM-IV criteria, while the second subscale MAGS subscale contains 14 items about gambling behavior.
The MAGS originally was developed for the general population Petry, 2005.
Reliabilities of the two subscales have been reported to be good 0.
There is no version of the MAGS for adults.
Robert Ladouceur, Michael Walker, in1998 6.
Classification of gambling problems can proceed from different perspectives and be based on different criteria.
Most commonly, gambling-related problems are classified by the area in the gambler's life that is affected.
Thus, Dickerson et al.
Lorenz and Shuttleworth 1983 divided the problems into personal, relationship, and financial.
Similarly, Custer and Milt 1985 divided the problems into gambling, alienation, marital problems, boredom, legal problems, indebtedness, needs, and goalessness.
Categorization of problems in this way has value at the level of assessment, but does not clarify the nature or source of the problems.
Although overlaps must exist, it remains possible for a new researcher gambling app spades divide the gambling-related problems differently into another, possibly equally useful, set based on areas affected.
An alternative approach, which places more emphasis on the genesis of the problems, assumes that the main cause of the problems is persistence with gambling despite the losses.
Cognitive theories seek to explain why the gambler may persist with gambling until the losses become excessive.
The central consequence, and possibly the core factor in causing gambling problems, is the financial loss.
Although it may seem obvious that financial loss is a fundamental aspect of gambling problems, this perspective is sometimes not given the emphasis that would seem appropriate.
For example, only four of the 10 criteria defining pathological gambling in the Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders 4th.
If the financial cost of gambling is emphasized, then many of the criteria for identifying pathological gambling can be understood as consequences of this common cause.
Walker 1992in his description of a socio-cognitive theory of gambling, shows how the false beliefs of gamblers can lead to chasing losses, changes in mood, withdrawal and secretiveness, deceitfulness, irritation and anger, and foolish financial transactions.
These changes at the individual level, coupled with the large loss in income, would be expected to impact on the family life, employment, and social life of the gambler.
Persistence with gambling causes not only financial loss, but also absorbs large amounts of the gambler's time.
The time away can be expected to impact heavily on the family and on employment.
However, it is likely that time away is for most gamblers and their families a minor factor compared to the financial losses suffered by the persistent gambler.
Apart from the loss of time and money, there is one further area of loss that is more difficult to quantify.
Gambling results of problem gambling be characterized as a background of failure broken only by occasional success.
According to cognitive accounts of persistence with gambling, the gambler holds a set of erroneous beliefs about the nature of gambling and the role of the gambler in relation to the gambling.
Persistence with gambling increases the likelihood of overall loss.
Thus the gambler is continually engaged in searching for explanations that maintain the core beliefs.
The mass of evidence suggesting that the gambler's beliefs are erroneous is a continuing stress that can be expected to cause loss of self-esteem and, ultimately, depression.
One problem that general theories of gambling must confront involves specifying why only a minority of regular gamblers suffer problems to the extent that they ultimately seek counseling and treatment.
Individual differences in persistence with gambling have been explained in terms of personality differences Zuckerman, 1979biological differences Jacobs, 1986and learning differences Dickerson, 1984.
However, perhaps the most valuable insights concerning individual differences in gambling have been provided by Check this out 1985 and Oldman 1978.
Orford asked the important question as to why not all gamblers continue gambling until their money is exhausted.
If gambling is intrinsically rewarding, progression to gambling problems and pathology would be expected.
Yet the majority of gamblers control their gambling sufficiently to avoid the potential problems.
Thus, inability to exercise control over the desire to gamble is an important aspect of the genesis of gambling problems.
Orford suggests that gambling problems may involve the conjunction of excessive appetites, incomplete socialization of control over appetites, and the availability of opportunities to gamble.
Evidence for such a view of gamblers comes from observational studies of regular gamblers that show that most are able to modify their approaches to gambling when demanded by changed financial circumstances Rosecrance, 1986.
Oldman continue reading took the argument one step further by pointing out that gambling problems were a natural consequence of persistence with gambling.
Weinberger, in2017 Gambling Disorder Gambling was recently added to the DSM-5 as an addictive disorder APA, 2013.
Wave 1 NESARC participants with pathological gambling 43.
Higher rates of ND were reported by both men and women with ARPG 26.
By continuing you agree to the.
Copyright � 2020 Elsevier B.
ScienceDirect � is a registered trademark of Elsevier B.
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Addictions and Mental Health Problem Gambling Services.. These preventable problems result in millions of dollars each year spent on health care, criminal�...


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